From: | Bob Hersh <bhersh@cpeo.org> |
Date: | 17 Nov 2003 22:33:32 -0000 |
Reply: | cpeo-brownfields |
Subject: | [CPEO-BIF] Report on EJ/Community Group Caucus at BF2003 |
Report on the Environmental Justice/Community Group Caucus Brownfields 2003 Portland, Oregon On October 27th and 28th the Center for Public Environmental Oversight (CPEO) facilitated two meetings of the Environmental Justice/ Community Caucus at the Brownfields 2003 conference in Portland, Oregon. The meetings were attended by community and environmental justice activists, job training providers, staff from EPA, state regulators, consultants, and people working with environmental non-profits and community development corporations. The meetings this year attracted more than 100 participants and were particularly lively and spirited, as we discuss below. Before reporting on the meeting, it might be useful, particularly for readers unfamiliar with the EJ/ Community Caucus to briefly provide some background. The EJ/Community Caucus has met at each national Brownfields conference since 1997 in Kansas City, and has served as a forum for community members from around the country to discuss their experiences with brownfields cleanup and redevelopment. It is one of the few occasions where local knowledge of cleanup and redevelopment practices at brownfields sites can be used to influence policies at a national level. For example, in 1999, the Caucus issued a document entitled "Recommendations for Responsive Brownfields Revitalization", which set out policies that have since been incorporated into recent federal brownfields legislation, the Small Business Liability Relief and Brownfields Revitalization Act. Under this federal legislation community-based non-profits can now apply for grants to clean up brownfields in their neighborhoods, a point long advocated by Caucus members. The legislation also requires a state brownfield remediation programs to provide "meaningful opportunities for public participation", a policy which the Caucus, and many others, have pushed for over the years. Day 1: Community Involvement The question of how to achieve "meaningful" public participation at brownfields sites was the focus of the first night's discussion. It is a question complicated by the increasingly decentralized regulatory context of brownfields. For much of the past two decades, the U.S. Environmental Protection agency has been the pre-eminent environmental regulator at sites contaminated with hazardous substances. But in brownfields the primary authority and principle responsibility for addressing contaminated sites is now lodged at the state and local level. Since 1990, over forty states have developed voluntary cleanup programs (VCP) to clean up and redevelop contaminated properties and while the new federal brownfields law, as noted above, requires "meaningful opportunities for public participation" there is considerable variation among state voluntary cleanup programs as to how local communities are involved in site cleanup and reuse decisions and what resources are available, such as TAG grants, to enable communities to participate more effectively. Given that brownfield policies are increasingly devised and implemented at the state and local level, how can local community groups promote their interests in this decentralized regulatory terrain? Three Portland environmental justice activists, Regena Warren, Geri Washington, and Warren Fluker provided the Caucus with a concrete example of what meaningful public participation has looked like in Portland. They discussed their experience as members of the North/Northeast Portland Brownfields Community Advisory Committee (CAC). The mission of the N/NE CAC was to identify a handful of properties in the community that could be cleaned up and redeveloped as demonstration sites in Portland's EPA-funded Showcase Community Project. The CAC worked closely with local residents to devise a set of criteria to help them identify brownfield sites they want cleaned up and redeveloped in their neighborhood. Once local residents discussed and accepted the criteria, the CAC organized a series of community forums, bringing together property owners and developers to discuss possible redevelopment projects with local residents. The CAC served a number of functions in Portland. Through extensive community outreach and education over a number of years, the CAC acted as an organizer, a liaison with EPA and local government, and as entrepreneur to encourage cleanup and target appropriate development in the local community. The panelists noted that this degree of community involvement could not have been achieved without perseverance and timely activism. One point of community leverage was when the city of Portland applied for an EPA Showcase grant. The panelists noted that while the CAC was mentioned as a partner in the city of Portland's application to EPA's Showcase grant competition, the N/NE community believed they had not been adequately consulted on the proposal, and petitioned EPA for a better environmental justice plan in the application before a showcase grant could be awarded to the city. More than 200 local residents wrote EPA letters to support the CAC. With this show of local activism and commitment, the city administration rewrote the grant application to provide the N/NE CAC with more resources and opportunities to help determine cleanup and redevelop brownfields strategies in the neighborhood. The first hand account of the N/NE CAC in Portland was well received and set off a wide ranging discussion about the nature of power community groups could wield in brownfields. Under what conditions, Caucus members asked, are community groups able to marshal the resources necessary to challenge and restructure the dominant interests in brownfields redevelopment and by so doing better represent community interests? Some participants wanted to know how community groups should anticipate and address many of the unintended "successes" of brownfields redevelopment---most notably the displacement of local residents and local businesses. As one participant noted if brownfields becomes a way to reduce regulatory oversight and to pave the way for private sector led development, brownfield policy risks becoming a new form of "urban removal" in the guise of environmental cleanup. Other participants, recognizing the value of the long term planning, stressed the need for communities to become more directly involved in redevelopment negotiations, to use brownfields in order to "put communities in business". It was suggested that grant money could be used to help local groups initiate development projects at brownfields sites, and more generally, to improve the capacity of community development corporations to become active in brownfields. Some participants cautioned that EPA brownfields grant money was not sufficient to meet the needs of communities, and funding levels would eventually dry up as other political priorities captured the attention of Congress. In order to achieve "economically sustainable communities", it was argued, local groups needed to become less reliant on government brownfield grants and become more capable redevelopers of brownfield properties. While there was consensus among Caucus members on the need to promote more equitable and community led brownfield policies, there was less agreement about a strategy to accomplish this. One view was to convene a small group from the Caucus to help draft an EJ/Community Caucus action agenda for brownfields. The focus of this effort would be to secure more federal resources for a community-led approach to brownfields, providing, for example, more funding for job training or technical assistance to community groups; such an action agenda, it was argued, would give EPA a platform to put forward the concerns of the Caucus, both to other federal policy makers and ultimately to Congress. Other attendees pointed out that this strategy was used by the Caucus in 1999 in developing its "Recommendations for Responsive Brownfields Revitalization" (a copy of this document is included as an attachment in this message). Instead of reinventing the wheel and coming up with a new set of principles to influence federal policies, it was suggested the Caucus should consider how to target its efforts to inform state and local brownfield policies. With limited time available, the participants could only touch on many key issues. What role exists in brownfields for neighborhood groups between the largely ineffective notice and comment period of many voluntary cleanup programs and the ability to stop projects from happening. What resources do community groups need to participate in brownfields redevelopment and to better represent their own collective interests? How can brownfields redevelopment become part of a wider strategy of regeneration? What accounts for whether, and how, local communities benefit from brownfields redevelopment? And how can low income minority neighborhoods bring their influence to bear on the brownfields agenda of the various institutions of city government. Next Steps Most participants wanted to ensure that the energy and enthusiasm of the meeting would not be lost after people left the conference and that the Caucus would remain active throughout the year to promote community based brownfields redevelopment. As a first step to encourage more discussion among Caucus participants, CPEO will provide all participants with an electronic email list of contact information for Caucus attendees. CPEO has also volunteered to use is listserve to facilitate ongoing discussion among Caucus members. Laron Barber of the Le'Azon Technology Institute, in Clearwater, Florida has offered to create a web site for the Caucus. It was also suggested that the Caucus should seek funding to convene a mid-year meeting. Day 2: Job training Since 1998 EPA has worked with the National Institute for Environmental Health Services ((NIEHS) to promote job training opportunities for minority residents of EPA brownfield pilots. The Brownfields Minority Worker Training Program is administered through local job training and educational organizations and its aim is to provide quality worker training to help local minority youth compete for jobs as environmental field technicians, lead and asbestos abatement specialists, as well as construction workers at contaminated sites. According to EPA, since the program began some 550 participants have graduated, of whom nearly 70% have been placed in jobs related to the environmental field. CPEO is partnering with NIEHS to bring the benefits of the Minority Worker Training Program to more environmental justice communities where brownfields activity is proposed or underway. To help build a bridge between such communities and experienced job training providers, CPEO asked three job training providers to address the Caucus and explore opportunities for cooperation. Tipawan Reed of the National Puerto Rican Forum /Office of Applied Innovations in Chicago; Jack Gilchrist, from the Center to Protect Workers' Rights in Seattle; Kiameesha Evans, from St. James/Blake House in Newark New Jersey outlined their respective programs. The speakers discussed the comprehensive nature of the training they provide to minority youth. Each speaker described how their programs went beyond the environmental training provided for in EPA grants. While the EPA brownfield job training grant funds can not be used for life skills education activities or job readiness training, each training provider had managed to leverage additional funding or in-kind resources to offer life skills training, counseling, tuition for day care, English as second language classes, and other social services to persons enrolled in the program. The panelists described how their programs have been able to train and place minority youth in the environmental cleanup and construction industries and attribute the successes of the program to the close connections between the training centers and local industry as well as a training program that integrates basic skill with vocational training. The speakers also alerted Caucus participants to the characteristics they look for in deciding to partner with community organizations. They consider, for example, the extent to which a community organization understands local needs, demonstrates a commitment to worker training, and has the capacity to deliver necessary services such as program management, fiscal accountability, etc. While the accomplishments of from the Brownfields Minority Worker Training Program were discussed, the panelists and Caucus participants also described the limitations of the job training initiative and the barriers to creating community/labor based partnerships. These limitations include: * Ineffective local government mandates to require environmental engineering firms to hire job training graduates from the local community; * A lack of transparency in awarding cleanup contracts to environmental firms, an information deficit that limits community leverage to demand cleanup and construction jobs at brownfields; * Inadequate upfront negotiations between local job training providers and environmental consultants before a regulatory agency awards a cleanup contract for a contaminated site; * The hiring practices of contractors that give jobs to workers from outside the local community; * Cleanup subcontractors siphon off wages and keep job training graduates on their active rosters even when there is no work available, effectively freezing them out for consideration for other jobs opportunities; * The lack of local government enforcement of contract provisions to encourage local minority hiring. Caucus attendees discussed a number of steps that could be taken to address these limitations. At the level of policy development, it was noted that under the new federal brownfields legislation, funding for site assessment and cleanup doubled and funding for state voluntary cleanup programs increased five fold, but funding for workers training has remained flat. It was suggested, caucus participants and other interested parties should lobby EPA and Congress to direct more brownfield monies to support job training. Some attendees noted that there needs to be more public scrutiny of contract provisions between federal agencies and environmental cleanup companies. Other participants focused on more local strategies to improve opportunities for minority hiring at brownfield sites. One area where communities can exert leverage, it was noted, is through Municipal Requests for Proposals (RFP) for cleanup and construction contracts. An RFP, for example, can stipulate set asides for local hires and provide incentives for companies to hire local workers. NEXT STEPS CPEO plans to profile the needs and opportunities for hazardous waste remediation training in five to ten communities with environmental justice organizations involved in brownfields and will share our findings with the Caucus. In addition, it is hoped that Caucus members and job training providers who attended the session will use this summary as a starting point to discuss new opportunities to improve the EPA/NIEHS minority job training program. Please direct any comments to: Bob Hersh CPEO bhersh@cpeo.org 202 453 8043 or Lenny Siegel CPEO lsiegel@cpeo.org 650 961-8918 Bob Hersh Brownfields Program Director Center for Public Environmental Oversight (CPEO) 1101 Connecticut Ave., NW Suite 1000 Washington, DC 20036 Tel: 202.452.8043 Fax: 202.452.8095 email: bhersh@cpeo.org url: www.cpeo.org ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ CPEO: A DECADE OF SUCCESS. Your generous support will ensure that our important work on military and environmental issues will continue. Please consider one of our donation options. Thank you. http://www.groundspring.org/donate/index.cfm?ID=2086-0|721-0 | |
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