From: | Greg Bischak <ncecd@igc.org> |
Date: | Fri, 10 Feb 1995 12:33:26 -0800 (PST) |
Reply: | cpeo-military |
Subject: | AlternativeGalvinReport,fulltextDOE |
To: Concerned parties From: Jim Bridgman, National Commission for Economic Conversion & Disarmament (ECD), 202/728-0815; fax:202/728-0826 Date: 2/10/95 Re: Alternative Galvin Report The Alternative Galvin Report follows, except for graphs which cannot be emailed. Kudos to everyone who contributed to the report! On Feb. 1, the official release of the Galvin Report was preceded by an impromptu press conference on the Alternative Galvin Report. Ann Markusen of PRIE, Bill Weida of Colorado College & ECAAR, Jackie Cabasso of Western States Legal Foundation, and Greg Bischak of ECD spoke to a crowd of about 15 reporters. Additional comments were given during the break and during the Official Public Comment Period. The Washington Post and NY Times articles on Galvin did not mention us. Defense News quoted Bill Weida twice (yea!) but did not mention the report. If you know of any press hits, please let us know. If you want copies of the official Galvin Report, you can have it emailed to you (only if you can download binary files) by contacting Sean McDonald (DOE) at 202/586-6032 or by email : sean.mcdonald@hq.doc.gov. If you want a hardcopy, call 202/586- 5575. Be sure to ask for the full packet, including "Volume II: White Papers"(an overview/backgrounder of DOE labs, and other helpful fact sheets. To respond to the Galvin Report, send comments postmarked or faxed NO LATER THAN FEBRUARY 15, to: Galvin Task Force Secretary of Energy Advisory Board, AB-1 U.S. Department of Energy 1000 Independence Avenue, SW Washington, DC 20585 Fax: 202/586-6279 The Military Production Network and ECD is working together to send the Alternative Galvin Report to the Galvin Commission, the Energy Secretary, the President (or better, VP Gore), and select members of Congress. In addition, at a recent Washington Economic Conversion Working Group meeting, it was decided that a SIGN-ON LETTER specifically commenting on the official Galvin report should accompany the report. ECD is working on drafting that letter. Any comments and suggestions would be welcome. We will circulate the letter for sign-ons ASAP. An Alternative To The Galvin Report On Futures for the DOE Nuclear Weapons Laboratories February 1, 1995 GRAPH ON EXPENDITURES AT DOE WEAPONS LABS BY (MISSING) Prepared By: William J. Weida Director, Community Education Campaign For Employment Alternatives At Defense Nuclear Sites Economists Allied For Arms Reduction Professor, The Colorado College Ann Markusen Director, Project on Regional and Industrial Economics Professor, Rutgers University The Galvin Commission excluded many ordinary citizens who would have liked to contribute to this important process. This alternative report was generated by a task force of citizens, drawn both from communities hosting DOE facilities and those supporting the labs through taxes, who are concerned that DOE's labs be reorganized to yield the optimal economic and security returns for the United States. Our recommendations are based upon the legitimate security and deterrence needs of the U.S. in light of our treaty obligations, the need for basic science research, our lagging pace toward sustainability, the need for applied research on non-defense problems, and the economic impact DOE has had in the past and could have in the future. We acknowledge Secretary O'Leary's role in moving DOE toward a more open and responsive environment, and we endorse the initial steps Los Alamos National Laboratory has taken to have Motorola evaluate its management. Many of the weaknesses noted in this report were brought to light through these actions. These citizens' organizations listed below, both local and national, agree that nuclear weapons design work should cease for a variety of reasons which range from the ethical to the expedient and that it should be replaced with a limited curatorship of nuclear weapons technologies related to dismantlement and monitoring. These groups also generally support appropriate research and development for a sustainable society as an alternative to current weapons Lab programs, and they believe that missions associated with achieving a sustainable society must be allocated across a diverse set of institutions--government labs, universities, non-profits, business firms and community groups--each of which offers unique capabilities. 20/20 Vision Nation Project Alliance for Peaceful Alternatives American Friends Service Committee, Denver, CO Arizona Council for Economic Conversion California Peace Action Campaign for New Priorities Center for Economic Conversion Church of the Brethren, Washington Office Citizens for Alternatives to Radioactive Dumping, Albuquerque, NM Concerned Citizens for Nuclear Safety, Santa Fe, NM Connecticut Peace Action Economists Allied For Arms Reduction, New York, NY Fund for New Priorities in America Greenpeace Knolls Action Project, Albany, NY Los Alamos Study Group, Santa Fe, NM Maine Economic Conversion Project Massachusetts Peace Action Military Toxics Project, Sabbatus, ME Minnesota Jobs With Peace National Commission for Economic Conversion and Disarmament National Commission on Economic Conversion and Disarmament, Washington, DC NETWORK: A National Catholic Social Justice Lobby New Mexico Alliance, Espanola, NM Oak Ridge Environmental Peace Alliance, Oak Ridge, TN Peace Action Peace Action, Delaware Valley Peace Action, Washington Rural Alliance for Military Accountability, Questa, NM Southwest Research and Information Center, Albuquerque, NM St. Louis Economic Conversion Project The 21st Century Project The Military Production Network, Seattle, WA The Western States Legal Foundation, Oakland, CA Tri-Valley CAREs, Livermore, CA Unitarian Universalist Association of Congregations, Washington Office Women's Action for New Directions Executive Summary The Situation: * The U.S. cannot continue at current levels of resource waste and ecological destruction. * National support for all federally funded research and development is declining. * The need for nuclear weapons research no longer exists and continued weapons RD&T is contrary to stated Lab and national goals of "reducing the global nuclear danger." * With the current moratorium on nuclear testing and the diminished superpower nuclear threat, any nuclear dangers we face are best reduced by mutual disarmament and increased nonproliferation efforts. * Large new national and international markets would be served by a shift of national mission toward an efficient and sustainable economy. The Problem: * The weapons Labs' budgets rose disproportionately in the 1980s, partly to fund the unsuccessful Star Wars effort, and have gone down only marginally since that time. Downsizing, reorientation and release of the resources to the larger economy are imperative. * Historically, the Labs have been poor neighbors to surrounding communities--both those that predated the Labs' existence and those that were created to support the sites. * Management at the weapons Labs has created fundamental problems the Labs must confront before successful conversion can be accomplished. * To maintain and decrease nuclear stockpiles, dismantle nuclear weapons, ensure nuclear safety, pursue nonproliferation, and responsibly address nuclear waste and related environmental damage requires a budget of about one third of the present weapons Lab's budgets. * Remaining Lab capabilities, including highly educated personnel, sophisticated--albeit specialized--equipment, and a reservoir of research practices, technologies and ideas must be "converted," either publicly or privately, to other pressing societal needs. * There is serious doubt that successful Laboratory conversion can coexist with a weapons program of any significant size. * Secrecy and its accompanying security apparatus inhibits good non- defense research and hampers efficiency in redeploying Lab resources toward new missions and commercial work. * Technology transfer programs mounted to address national competitiveness are vulnerable to increasing controversy within the business community over fairness of opportunity and access, and to popular discouragement over the inability to enforce the U.S. preference clause to ensure taxpayer money creates jobs in the U.S., not abroad. * The Labs' capabilities could be oriented in part to new national missions, but to date these appear to have been opportunistically promoted as "technology push" programs rather than as responses to "public pull" or "market pull" initiatives. * To maintain high Lab budgets, Lab managers have emphasized technology transfer and new missions in their conversion efforts rather than attempts to transform the Labs into incubators to help scientists and engineers, technologies and ideas, and even Lab facilities to spin off and enter the commercial arena. The Solution: * Nuclear weapons-related activity at the Labs should be re-oriented toward post-Cold War realities: dismantlement and monitoring of remaining stockpiles. Civilian control of nuclear weapons must be maintained. The Labs should not be placed under the DoD. * Most expenditures for weapons research are sunk costs. Conversion will require significant shutdown and consolidation of facilities. * "Deterrence by capability," if deemed prudent after a thorough and public policy debate, can be assured through retention of small- scale capital equipment and the personnel responsible for dismantlement and monitoring. * Science-Based Stockpile Stewardship (SBSS) should not be implemented as currently envisioned by DOE because of its proliferation potential and unjustified costs. * Specialization in applied science research uniquely positions the weapons Labs to contribute to projects central to the transition to a sustainable economy. * The Labs should be given responsibility to pursue publicly-funded sustainability projects where they are uniquely qualified and should be encouraged to compete with other institutions (universities, businesses) for other projects. * Technology transfer programs, especially those involving Cooperative Research and Development Agreements (CRADAs) where taxpayers pay for research and private companies are given proprietary rights, should be seen as transitional and should be transformed in the longer run into either full pay-as-you-go programs on the part of the business partners or spin-offs of personnel, facilities and technologies. * The Labs should devote more resources during transition to efforts to help move scientists and engineers, managers, facilities, technologies and ideas out of the Labs and into the larger economy, through entrepreneurial training and leave programs, equity investments, judicious management of patents and licensing, and more extensive marketing of Lab capabilities. The Savings: * A substantial amount could be saved by re-orienting the Labs: over $4 B could be saved in four years from the Defense Programs budget alone. * Further budget cuts can be realized as the stockpile continues to shrink under new international agreements. * Some of these savings could pay for energy, security, and sustainable society programs at the Labs, and for other government programs elsewhere. Specific Recommendations 1.End Nuclear Weapon Research, Development and Testing Re-missioning the Labs requires a major policy decision to end weapons research, development, and testing programs in a finite amount of time and in a planned and rational manner. 2.Equally Decrease Weapon-related Tasks At All Three Labs Instead Of Consolidating Them At One Lab Several previous studies of the nuclear weapons Laboratories have recommended "consolidation" of weapons work at one site. As this report demonstrates, it is the presence of nuclear weapons work that compartmentalizes the intellectual resources at the Labs and pollutes the physical environment around the facilities. As a result, it is also the presence of nuclear weapons work that creates most barriers to conversion of the nuclear weapons laboratories. For these reasons, consolidation would transfer the entire cost of designing and maintaining the nation's nuclear weapons to a single region--a transfer that is not acceptable without the full concurrence of an informed regional population. A more equitable solution is to draw down weapons-related tasks at all three sites, eventually closing out this part of the Labs' mission as conversion occurs. 3.Laboratory /University/Industrial Relations The quality of a Lab's technical interactions with other institutions is not merely a matter of structure and good management but is heavily influenced by the nature of the work being done and its possible applications. That is, the more useful the work of the Lab is to others, the easier interactions will be. Nuclear weapons work has comparatively little usefulness to universities and industry and it does not reliably provide new science or useful new civilian technologies. Further, the attendant secrecy and classification of information create enormous barriers to peer interaction. This must change, but it should not be replaced with corporate secrecy, which has the potential for transforming the Lab into a warren of compartmentalized boxes. Public funds should be used for genuinely pre-competitive, openly scrutinized, peer-reviewed research where a clear public purpose can be demonstrated and where the results are available to all U.S. citizens and businesses. CRADAs and other arrangements where public funds are used to generate private property rights in innovations where there is no guarantee of the generation of U.S. jobs should be phased out. Funding of incipient efforts to increase spin-off and spin-out of people and technologies to private sector firms should be greatly increased, and bureaucratic impediments to such entrepreneurship should be eliminated. Because of the special responsibility of the federal labs to their host regions, it is expected that these activities would disproportionately take place in the surrounding region. 4.Energy, Environment, and New Missions These tasks include assuring a sustainable, affordable, and clean energy supply; increasing energy efficiency; providing new materials; completing environmental cleanup; manufacturing with precision, agility, and less waste; and developing advanced computing. New missions for the Labs in areas of sustainable development offer a long term strategy for using as much as one third of existing Lab facilities and budgets. These should be driven by a national needs agenda, not by a "technology push" process. A process should be put in place in the Office of Science and Technology Policy, which is currently trying to rationalize activities across agencies, to determine which capabilities uniquely qualify the Labs for "sole source" funding for certain missions and which mission areas are better met by competitively bidding them across public and private agencies, the Labs included. Appendix 1 contains a list of specific sustainable development activities where the Labs appear to have relevant expertise. 5.National Security Science Based Stockpile Stewardship (SBSS) should be replaced with a smaller, more rational, problem- oriented program. There is no demand for stockpile improvement; in fact, there is every evidence that the uniformed services do not wish to deploy new designs that have not been proof-tested. SBSS is not necessary for maintaining a cadre of trained nuclear weapons experts sufficient to safeguard the remaining U.S. arsenal or counter the horizontal proliferation of nuclear weapons. The Labs' role in stockpile management should be limited to a narrow curatorship; tasks involving monitoring and dismantlement would be retained as required. 6.Management Recent history has shown that new programs cannot be introduced in the defense sector without substantial change and retraining of management. However skilled the current managerial group at the Labs may be, their extensive experience within the nuclear weapons culture has prepared neither the academic/DOE managers at LANL and LLNL nor the defense contractor management at Sandia for the different and highly competitive challenges of civilian work. Creative management of new programs will be critical to their success. A new management force with different qualifications and experience from that now possessed at any of the Labs must be in place before any serious institutional change can occur. 7.Citizen Involvement Publicly funded applied science needs a healthy system of checks and balances. The long-term viability of the Labs depends upon support from a diverse constituency consisting of R&D users, professional peers, environmental groups, and many others. The interplay of these and other actors will determine the long-range size of the Lab. Intimate, meaningful stakeholder involvement, including full citizen participation based upon a new policy of openness, makes good sense. Citizen advisory bodies should review various aspects of each Lab's operations, including its research priorities. In most cases, citizens or citizens' bodies will have no background or opinion on a particular direction of research, but occasionally there will be policy questions raised. It would be better to find out what these are early in the process, rather than later. Background The Federal Laboratory System There are 726 federal laboratories.1 Of these, 17 labs are run by the DOE and these include the three nuclear weapons labs [Los Alamos National Laboratory (LANL), Sandia Labs, and Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory (LLNL)], five multiprogram energy labs, one civilian nuclear energy lab, the Idaho National Engineering Laboratory (INEL), and eight single program labs.2 The Office of Technology Assessment (OTA) estimates that 60 percent of the $21B appropriated for all U.S. labs is for weapons research.3 The DOE Nuclear Weapon Labs LANL, founded in Los Alamos, New Mexico, in 1942, designed and assembled the first atomic bombs. After W.W.II, most physicists at Los Alamos preferred to work on atomic, not hydrogen bombs. Although LANL produced the first H-bomb, its opposition to the project helped establish LLNL as a source of H-bombs.4 LLNL was started in Livermore, California, in 1952 by E. O. Lawrence and Edward Teller, who successfully argued that a second lab would provide healthy competition for Los Alamos and thus speed the design and deployment of thermonuclear weapons. Since then, LANL and LLNL have competed with one another to design new warheads while a third lab, Sandia National Laboratory, founded in 1945 in Albuquerque, New Mexico, works on the rest of the warhead package.5 Like LANL, LLNL is run by the University of California; SNL is run by a defense contractor. LANL and LLNL eventually developed specific warhead designs both for new missiles and for special effects like enhanced radiation or earth penetration. In the 1970's, President Carter started a shift to non-weapons research in areas such as renewable power sources. However, this was reversed by the Reagan administration in the 1980's. Together with the Nevada test site, the three Labs expend nearly $4 billion a year, of which budget-designated nuclear weapons work accounts for $1.7 billion; actual spending on weapons-related work is substantially higher.6 Although total Lab funding is down from the historic highs of the late 1980s, it is still twice as high, in constant dollars, as it was in 1974.7 Figures 1, 2, and 3 show how the mission emphasis has changed within each of the three large weapons Labs. These figures emphasize the increase in nuclear weapons spending that took place in the 1980, as well as the low level at which alternative Lab programs were maintained. The importance of nuclear weapons funding to each Lab indicates how difficult it will be to wean them away from a source of funding that has so dominated their mission. In fact, Lab managers continue to hope for a 20%/80% mix of private and federally funded projects--something that appears unrealistic given current funding trends. THREE GRAPHS OF R&D AT DOE WEAPONS LABS (MISSING) National support for federally funded research and development as a whole is declining--spending for this category of R&D has fallen seven percent in real terms since 1988.8 The disintegration of the former Soviet Union and the consequent reduction in the need for weapons research, this trend has contributed to reduced funding for the three weapons Labs and to efforts to involve them in conversion. The Weapon Labs and Federally Funded R&D If the weapons Labs were part of the normal market economy of the United States, it would be easier to predict how they would respond to the market signals incorporated in these funding changes. But the Labs have operated in a protected and rarefied environment where secrecy, performance and timelines have dominated over cost and other market considerations. As a result, even though the overlap between the declining need for nuclear technology and programs and the growing markets in other research-intensive fields presents a clear opportunity for conversion projects, the actual path the weapons Labs will take is not clear. The likely outcome of various transition strategies for the Labs, and whether conversion is a realistic alternative, is the subject of what follows. U.S. Treaty Obligations It would remiss not to mention that the changes facing the Labs take place fifty years after the bombing of Hiroshima and after the end of the Cold War. In 1968, the United States proclaimed that it would seek to end the nuclear arms race and move toward disarmament in a timely manner. This pledge was codified in Article VI of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) which became U.S. law in 1970. Article VI commits the nuclear powers to the elimination of nuclear weapons, but research, development and testing of new weapons continues. A true commitment to international nuclear non- proliferation demands: * A commitment to nuclear disarmament and a clear timeline to achieve zero nuclear weapons. * An immediate halt to nuclear weapons research, testing and development. * A Comprehensive Test Ban which bans all nuclear weapon tests. * A ban on the separation, production or use of weapons-grade fissile material for any purpose. * The end to the international trade in nuclear weapons-usable materials and technologies. In April 1995, the NPT will come up for review and extension. At that time, the international community will examine the compliance of the U.S. and other declared nuclear powers with their disarmament obligation, while considering how long to extend the treaty and under what conditions. Many non-nuclear weapons states believe that by maintaining nuclear weapons RDT&E capabilities in its labs, the U.S. is ensuring for itself a permanent and overwhelming advantage in nuclear weapons technology. Any changes proposed for the U.S. nuclear weapons Labs must address these very real concerns. Conversion and Re-orientation Of The Labs Conversion at the weapons Labs raises two general levels of concern. At one level, conversion must be viewed from the national perspective, since all U.S. citizens contribute to and should benefit from Lab activities. From this perspective, resources going into and existing at the Labs should be efficiently directed to solving national needs, from national security to technological change to new investment for jobs and enhancement of the quality of life. Since nuclear weapons are no longer the centerpiece of our defense, Lab capabilities should be redirected toward other national goals. At another, more localized level, the nation has a responsibility to help communities and regions around the weapons Labs re-orient themselves to new activities to sustain their economic base, and this could be most directly accomplished via the Lab conversion process. To this end, the following general goals for Lab conversion are suggested: * Re-orient Laboratory facilities and programs to make them compatible with the economic and political realities of the 21st century. * Create a stable contribution to a diversified, economic base for communities and regions around the Labs that respects the history and culture of these areas. * Have Laboratory campuses open with most facilities doing unclassified work by the year 2000. * Re-configure Lab facilities to make them compatible with regional environmental requirements. Many observers believe Department of Energy and University of California management of the weapons Labs creates fundamental problems the Labs must confront before successful conversion can be accomplished. Further, there is no evidence that successful conversion can coexist with a weapons program of any significant size--security requirements and the top-down environment that surrounds weapons programs are in fundamental opposition to the open, market-based approach necessary for successful civilian projects. Thus, significant reconfiguration of the Labs and their resources including spin-offs and the formation of new firms will be required for most conversion activities to succeed. Spin-offs will tend to involve the development of products rather than advances in science, increasing regional employment as the development of products creates local production jobs. The creation of local jobs translates to tax base strength and, of course, this translates to better services and school funding. For conversion to succeed on any meaningful scale, Lab management must change its practices. Further, for conversion to address both the needs of the nation and the region, representatives of citizen's interests at both levels must be involved in the process. The initial attempts by Secretary O'Leary to move DOE in this direction, and the recent efforts of LANL to seek advice from Motorola on its management problems are the first steps in a long journey, but they contrast sharply with the relatively closed environment at Sandia. Fostering citizen involvement is a partial responsibility of Lab management, but it is also a direct outcome of citizen sensitivity to the impact of the Lab on the region around it and on the national economy. Factors Involved In Redirecting Laboratory Output Most problems afflicting the Labs did not arise because of the end of the Cold War. While a continuation of the Cold War would have allowed more funding of weapons projects, the decline of the weapons Labs as research institutions occurred over a long period of time -- in the presence of Cold War funding -- and it can be directly traced to the research environment and leadership at each facility. More recently, the decline in nuclear weapons work has coincided with an increased need for DOE funds to clean up nuclear sites. Additional financial pressure on weapons programs occurred as DOE redirected funds from other DOE sources to clean up contamination from weapons production. The weapons Labs are generally involved in applied science, and funding for research in applied science at U.S. universities is limited. The National Science Foundation prefers non-applied work and, since the Mansfield Amendment, the Department of Defense has generally only funded work with specific mission or hardware applications. Thus, despite their faults, the weapons Labs occupy a niche no other segment of the research community now fills. However, the search for new missions for the weapons Labs has not yielded the employment-producing tasks necessary to maintain the economies of the regions around the Labs, nor have the Labs identified major programs to replace nuclear weapons work and subsidize the rest of their operations. A significant problem in any Lab conversion scenario is the secrecy and accompanying security apparatus surrounding nuclear work. Secrecy inhibits good research and is detrimental to achieving the levels of efficiency necessary to make the Labs a useful resource. To survive the current period of rapid contraction, the Labs must undergo major changes in form, function, facilities, management and orientation. The long term vision of each weapons lab is similar to that of LANL which wants "to solve large, complex problems of national importance where science makes a difference."9 Weapon Lab capabilities were accrued to fit the nuclear weapons mission and are thus concentrated mainly in the physics, chemistry, and mathematical sciences with some engineering capability. For a few societal problems, bridging these disciplines is sufficient. However, for most problems, greater expertise than that possessed by the Labs will be required in the biological, geological, medical or social sciences. Major Impediments To Lab Efficiency Sig Hecker, director of LANL, has said "We've got to do things that someone wants to pay for. In retrospect, defense was easy."10 However, not only do people have to want to pay for research, but it must be done efficiently enough that they will be able to pay for it. For the Labs to re-orient themselves, at least three major internal problems must be solved: * They must remove the layers of bureaucracy that set them apart from other research institutions. * They must take responsibility for their actions, both economic and environmental. * They must develop a clear direction for their activities. Closing Down Weapon-related Activities Edward Miller, president of the National Center for Manufacturing Sciences, has called the weapons complex "the biggest untapped intellectual asset in the US."11 However, when considering the Labs, one must guard against the "nuclear expense fallacy" that we have spent so much on nuclear weapons research that we must have created valuable resources in the process. It is more likely that most expenditures for weapons research are simply sunk costs and that conversion can best be accomplished by shutting down the defense part of the Labs. Insofar as these facilities are sunk costs, their closure would increase efficiency at the remaining Lab facilities and better enable them to exist as credible research institutions in a non-weapons environment. Approaches To Converting the Labs The Office of Technology Assessment's recent report on the DOE Labs laid out three divergent future courses for the Labs:12 * Drastically shrink and restructure the entire system. * Maintain and reinforce the Labs traditional focus on nuclear and energy technologies. * Give the Labs major new civilian missions (competitiveness or environmental technologies).13 In our view, the third option understates the complexity of the conversion problem and conflates several distinctively different types of conversion initiatives which should be evaluated and possibly pursued at the weapons Labs. Three distinctive types of activities are involved in converting unneeded Lab capabilities to non-nuclear work: technology transfer, new missions, and incubation of new firms and other private sector entities. To date, Lab conversion programs have focused on technology transfer initiatives. Yet, the competitiveness rubric which has been used to justify technology transfer programs is proving to be increasingly problematic for two reasons: First, in the CRADA process, taxpayer money is matched to company expenditures, but proprietary rights to the output of the joint research are invested in the company. Other (and usually smaller) companies who do not have this access have protested vigorously for a more level playing field. They could not spare the money, and/or found themselves competing with the outcome of the CRADAs, and they may file lawsuits challenging this process. Although the Labs are trying to work with inclusive consortia as a remedy to this problem, this is difficult in industries with differently sized firms. Second, CRADAs and other joint research projects were originally marketed to the public as conversion/job creation programs. In the enabling legislation, the Labs were required to negotiate U.S. preference clauses to ensure that jobs created as a result of publicly-funded Lab participation would be located in the U.S. However, in the actual process of negotiating CRADAs, this provision has been gutted. Competitiveness is increasingly seen as making private sector companies strong, whether or not they increase activities in the U.S. Indeed, these companies may close U.S. facilities and open new ones elsewhere with the new technologies. As a result of these problems, CRADAs and technology transfer programs in general should be seen more as a transitional activity, where the fruits of past work, embodied in machinery and human resources, are shared with the rest of the economy. They should not be seen as a permanent form of activity where the public sector subsidizes proprietary research. Private sector firms must be willing to pay the entire bill. New missions uniquely matched to Lab capabilities are a more fruitful course to pursue in the longer term. The Labs do have applied research capability in certain scientific areas, both in human resources and facilities, which can be redirected toward solving research problems in energy, environment, transportation and other areas with a clear public purpose, but where the private sector is unwilling to invest. However, it is not appropriate to argue that because the Labs currently possess certain capabilities, their efforts to apply them elsewhere should continue to be funded. This "technology push" argument should give way to a more appropriate "national needs pull" argument. If the nation decides environmental cleanup, energy self- sufficiency, and transportation efficiency, collectively conceived of as sustainable development, is a legitimate national mission, then the government should survey the existing delivery infrastructure--the national Labs, other federal Laboratories, the National Science Foundation, universities, non-profits, and businesses to determine what portions of the mission are best done where. If the Labs are uniquely qualified to perform research where a sole source award can be justified without competitive bidding, they should be given that mission. In other cases, other institutions will be more appropriate. Sometimes a particular lab facility might best be sold to another organization, public or private, or its personnel hired away. Similar spin-offs and restructuring have been a major method used by private sector defense firms to optimally reconfigure capacity. A third type of Lab conversion activity--which has received only limited support and funding--is incubation: providing services to facilitate the movement of Lab personnel, equipment and technologies into the private sector where they can translate accumulated Lab expertise into new and useful products for the commercial market. Lab employees are often the best conduits of Lab commercial potential and, with moderate training, can become successful entrepreneurs. Currently, more public dollars are going into Lab technology transfer programs to generate CRADAs and build big business constituencies for Lab funding than are going into entrepreneurship efforts. Furthermore, managers of successful small and medium-sized businesses which employ Lab technology or personnel point to difficulties in getting started, from absence of encouragement, hassles in securing entrepreneurial leave, unreasonable delays or denials in accessing patents and licenses, the ineffectiveness of Lab efforts to help secure financing (as has been done at other national Labs, even via equity programs), to ongoing competition in product markets from the Labs themselves. Although some recent efforts at the weapons Labs have improved entrepreneurial spin-offs and access to licenses and technologies, much more could be done in this area. Future Choices for the Weapons Laboratories In 1994, a study by the Congressional Budget Office suggested three general ways to change the direction of the Laboratories. Two options would trim existing weapons experimentation without greatly altering the Laboratories' missions; i.e., they would result in a loss of budget funds and a decrease in the size of each facility. The third option concentrates weapons design at Los Alamos while LLNL went out of the bomb-building business and expanded its role in trying to curb nuclear proliferation. According to the CBO, such a change in mission would mean a 20 percent cut in LLNL's budget and a $1.2 billion savings over five years.14 The U.S. doesn't need the current weapons capability in the three Labs to maintain any proposed level of nuclear deterrent, but it is highly unlikely that any region would agree to gather all nuclear weapons facilities in their area. Thus, while the general nature of the CBO options prohibits the suggestion of concrete alternative tasks for the Labs, these options also fail to take into account the important role of the Labs in local and national communities. These failures stem from an unwillingness to explore three major factors that will govern the future viability of any Lab program. These factors are: * Our civilization cannot continue indefinitely at current levels of ecological destruction and resource waste. The goal of robust economic growth in the U.S. will be increasingly difficult to achieve without adjustments to the realities of energy and resource supplies as well as global environmental decline. * National security is not provided by maintaining a large and evolving U.S. nuclear arsenal, but by its general elimination, along with effective nonproliferation. * Other nations which focus more R&D on environmental cleanup, pollution reduction, renewable energy, and resource conservation are capturing growing shares of rapidly growing markets--collectively worth half a trillion dollars over the next decade -- in addition to the savings these nations enjoy by more effectively addressing these areas. U.S. benefits in employment, trade balance, economic growth, environmental protection and quality of life would be enormous. These opportunities and dangers [see (1) above] require urgent attention. Under talented management, and with acceptance of risk by staff, the weapons Labs could play a major role in transitioning to a sustainable society. Building a sustainable society has wide acceptance, simplicity, breadth, and urgency. It could serve as an effective organizing principle for Lab activities as well as those of other federal agencies (Energy, Transportation, EPA, etc.) for the next two decades. This type of new mission could succeed if the Labs were prepared to act with efficiency and to dedicate the appropriate resources to research into sustainable projects. Such a change in direction would leave room for "science-based stockpile stewardship" (SBSS) and other missions of the Labs as long as they, too, were efficient, necessary projects. However, this implies that these tasks would be accomplished in simpler, cheaper, and more problem-focused ways instead of the current approach which is exemplified by the proposed National Ignition Facility (NIF)--a large, complicated, employment maintenance program without a clear mission. Given the above caveats about the appropriate process to use in translating national missions into budgetary allotments, we anticipate that something in the neighborhood of $800 million to $1 billion a year might be allocated to the weapons Labs to pursue new missions in sustainable development. Some elements of these programs are already in place. A rough estimate of project areas might be made as follows: Assuring a sustainable, affordable, and clean energy supply $200M - renewable energy R&D - efficient acquisition and utilization of fossil fuels Increasing energy efficiency $200M - in transportation - other targeted large initiatives Providing new materials $100M Pure and applied basic sciences $100M Environmental R&D, cleanup $100M Advanced computation $75M Enhancing global security $75M Manufacturing with precision, agility, and less waste $50M Biosciences and biomedical $50M Contract work for other organizations $30M These programs could be scaled up or down as investment is spread among the three institutions. Each Lab would have to demonstrate it could compete in civilian missions to gain funding. National policy paralysis, high costs, a defense-oriented culture, and outmoded technical specialization would have to be overcome in order to make this transition. Additional Savings From Realigning the Labs DOE's proposed SBSS program should be changed to a program of dismantlement and monitoring. If implemented over four years, about $4.2B could be saved from the Defense Programs budget, not including complex-wide savings in stockpile and materials support and in the management of the wastes from these activities. Those savings probably would be in the neighborhood of $8-10B over the next five years. It is likely that further cuts would be possible, particularly if the stockpile continued to shrink under new international agreements, or if particular weapons systems were retired. Cuts in Defense Programs are best directed at the largely- obsolete RD&T function, in response to political realities that currently support a nuclear deterrent but no new weapons. If that deterrent shrinks substantially, materials support and stockpile support costs can also shrink substantially. Conclusion The end of the Cold War offers Americans an unprecedented opportunity to rethink our national security arrangements and reallocate our resources to the challenges of the next century. The nuclear weapons Labs, the core institutions of the Cold War, received disproportionately large budget increases in the 1980s, primarily for the Star Wars initiative. Since that time, their funding--now at nearly $ 4 billion a year--has been what economists call "sticky downwards," despite the failure of Star Wars and the end of the Cold War. Each Lab is now considerably larger than most top-ranked American Universities, yet arguably, each has much less to show for its research efforts. At the same time, the Labs are unique reservoirs of specialized expertise, tools and technologies that can be applied to new national missions, especially in the area of sustainable development. They can also operate as incubators to foster the transfer into the larger society of people, machinery and ideas that would be welcome in the commercial sector. The worst Lab transition would be one in which the Labs retreat under the nuclear umbrella, justifying all their efforts, even conversion activities, as required for national security. If this happens, valuable national talent will continue to be devoted to nuclear weapons development in ways that threaten our national security and constitute a huge and wasteful tax on the American public. In a nation where real incomes are not rising, and in a world where environmental degradation threatens to reverse gains in the quality of life, we cannot afford a business as usual approach that uses weapons Labs chiefly as a public works program for scientists and engineers. The best Lab transition would be one in which the Labs' nuclear capabilities are redirected toward safeguarding the world against nuclear disaster through dismantling warheads, vigorous non- proliferation activities, and innovative nuclear waste cleanup. Since only about one third of Lab personnel are required for these activities, the rest would be free to contribute to society in other ways. We anticipate another third of the current level of funding would remain at the Labs to spawn initiatives in new mission areas. The last third would be available for other public and private activities--for which the Labs could also compete. The range of possible futures for the weapons labs is quite broad. To date, deliberations have taken place mainly within circles of experts, without sufficient public involvement. Recently, groups living near the Labs have become more insistent participants in the regional Lab conversion process, but much more needs to be done on this front. Similarly, at the national level we face a growing crisis in the public acceptance of science, apparent in the difficulties of funding large science projects such as the superconductor/supercollider and in the support for basic science at the National Science Foundation,. The Labs comprise a key element of our national heritage. We must redirect their talents to other, more pressing needs. The debate over the future of the Labs must be conducted much more broadly to ensure the best possible use of these resources while sustaining the economies of host regions and not wasting the considerable expertise at the Labs. Appendix 1 Specific Conversion Programs For The Weapons Labs Within the guidelines in this paper, a large number of specific, potential conversion programs could be implemented at the Labs. One way to match candidates from these programs with individual weapons Labs is to identify those tasks that will create the most local production and procurement employment while best serving national needs for sustainable society technologies. The Labs will find it difficult to select from among these programs, but if they are willing to act as "technical agents of change," providing the technical competence necessary to develop both community and nationally-based sustainability projects, the Labs could significantly enhance local employment while, at the same time, pursuing national technology and competitiveness goals. Of the many projects available to the Labs, the following have the promise of creating the largest regional and national returns: Environmental technology--i.e., pollution cleanup and control Ground water cleanup New cleanup technologies Environmental sensing and monitoring Non-fossil fuel energy sources Alternative agriculture Smart irrigation Other high-tech agriculture Alternative manufacturing processes Alternative vehicles and transportation (manufacturing, not research) New light composite materials manufacturing processes Pollution remediation -- both the technical aspects and actual cleanup Alternative energy including fuel cells, hydrogen, solar Energy efficient retrofitting Materials and associated processing technologies Materials Processing Environmental Technologies Sustainable Manufacturing Techniques Recycling technologies Green manufacturing Long-lasting materials Recyclable materials Toxic use reduction Resource use reduction FOOTNOTES (cut and pasted from footnotes to placed here as endnotes so that email transfer is possible; hence the formatting problems) 15Adam, John A., "Federal Laboratories Meet the Marketplace," IEEE SPECTRUM, October, 1990, pp.40. 15U.S. Congress, Office of Technology Assessment, Defense Conversion: Redirecting R&D, OTA-ITE-552 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, May, 1993), pp. 2-15. 15Adam, Op. Cit., pp.40,41. 15Too Many Nuclear Labs, New York Times, August 26, 1994. 15Ibid. 15Ibid. 15Defense Conversion: Redirecting R&D, OTA 1993, Fig.1-9. 15Cohen, Linda R. and Roger G. Noll, Privatizing Public Research, Scientific American, September, 1994, pp. 72-77. 15Browne, John C., Impact of Defense Spending Cuts, Los Alamos National Laboratory, 1992. 15McCartney, Scott, With Cold War Over, Los Alamos Seeks New Way of Doing Business," The Wall Street Journal, July 15, 1993. 15Davis, Bob, "Nuclear Arms Plants Show off Technology", The Wall Street Journal, December 4, 1990, p.1. 15Defense Conversion: Redirecting R&D, OTA 1993, p.24. 15Defense Conversion: Redirecting R&D, OTA 1993, pp. 2-15. 15Too Many Nuclear Labs, New York Times, August 26, 1994. 1Adam, John A., "Federal Laboratories Meet the Marketplace," IEEE SPECTRUM, October, 1990, pp.40. 2U.S. Congress, Office of Technology Assessment, Defense Conversion: Redirecting R&D, OTA-ITE-552 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, May, 1993), pp. 2-15. 3Adam, Op. Cit., pp.40,41. 4Too Many Nuclear Labs, New York Times, August 26, 1994. 5Ibid. 6Ibid. 7Defense Conversion: Redirecting R&D, OTA 1993, Fig.1-9. 8Cohen, Linda R. and Roger G. Noll, Privatizing Public Research, Scientific American, September, 1994, pp. 72-77. 9Browne, John C., Impact of Defense Spending Cuts, Los Alamos National Laboratory, 1992. 10McCartney, Scott, With Cold War Over, Los Alamos Seeks New Way of Doing Business," The Wall Street Journal, July 15, 1993. 11Davis, Bob, "Nuclear Arms Plants Show off Technology", The Wall Street Journal, December 4, 1990, p.1. 12Defense Conversion: Redirecting R&D, OTA 1993, p.24. 13Defense Conversion: Redirecting R&D, OTA 1993, pp. 2-15. 14Too Many Nuclear Labs, New York Times, August 26, 1994. | |
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