From: | Lenny Siegel <lsiegel@igc.org> |
Date: | Tue, 14 Nov 1995 14:25:00 -0800 (PST) |
Reply: | cpeo-military |
Subject: | CLEANUP REFORM |
I prepared the following remarks for a panel presentation tomorrow (11/15/95) at the National Environmental Policy Institute Cleanup Forum/Department of Navy Environmental and Natural Resource Program Managers Meeting in San Diego, California. However, the meeting was shut down at noon today because of the Federal budget impasse. LS Reform Cleanup without Weakening Goals by Lenny Siegel November, 1995 The current national approach to cleaning up hazardous wastes often gets the job done, but it's frustrating. Polluters and other responsible parties argue that they're required to spend too much money. Communities aren't sure that their health or the natural environment is being adequately protected. While there are many creative reforms in the wind, the thrust of most proposals for administrative and legislative reform is to reduce cleanup. As a someone who lives within a few miles of more than a dozen Superfund sites, including Moffett Naval Air Station, this worries me. I am sure there are some situations where current rules and procedures force unrealistic cleanup remedies, but I am equally certain that the existing process allows as much contamination to be swept under the tarmac. Unless we can be assured, to scientific certainty, that hazardous substances are breaking down into harmless byproducts faster than they are being spread or released, then we should carefully question cleanup requirements that permanently leave contamination in place. I recognize, however, that we're still figuring out how to deal with certain types of contamination, such as radionuclides and unexploded ordnance. Partial solutions based upon limited future land or water use scenarios not only pose a threat to public health and the environment, but they lower the value of the affected property, whether that value is measured by resale value or simply potential public use. Decision to weaken standards based upon use may pass on environmental costs to future generations, so we should be treat such decisions in the same vein as the periodic vote to raise the national debt. I also believe that the fundamental principle of our current system of liability - that the polluter must pay - is not only fair, but it provides generators of hazardous waste with an enormous incentive to properly manage or prevent the generation of wastes. In my experience, both the electronics industry and the military have become leaders in pollution prevention because they've been hit hard with the cost of cleanup. I do think there is room for new approaches, however, where cleanup costs are absorbed by responsible parties who in fact bear no responsibility for the contamination. But I didn't come here to defend the current system. In redefining our approach to cleanup, I support three essential reforms. All of these are underway to some degree or another, but in today's political climate they do not achieve the spotlight proffered to proposals to weaken cleanup objectives. 1. Actual investigation or cleanup, not the delivery of documents, should be the measurable goal of cleanup programs. 2. The funding, management, and oversight of cleanup should cut through arbitrary geographic boundaries and distinctions among media. 3. Direct public participation in the oversight of cleanup should be strengthened. REDUCE THE FOCUS ON DOCUMENTS When I first read the Federal Facilities Agreement for Moffett Field, I was confused. The schedule established milestones for the completion of a long series of documents, but it didn't really tell me when actual cleanup would be accomplished. I attributed my confusion to my naivet, but when our group finally hired a technical consultant, he asked essentially the same question. I concluded, over a period of time, that our system of conducting investigation and cleanup contains built-in inefficiencies, based upon the endemic focus on the production of documents. When I agreed to serve on the External Review Group of the Air Combat Command's project on Streamlined Oversight, I found out how extensive that inefficiency was. The project concluded: Findings of the report suggest that the current set of institutional relationships that form the regulatory oversight process accounts for significant time and money spent on the investigation and cleanup of Air Force hazardous waste sites. Estimates suggest that this process may account for as much as 60 percent of the time and 10 percent of the costs of a typical Remedial Investigation/Feasibility Study (RI/FS). These costs are not the result of individual players (regulators, Air Force, contractors, community) in the oversight interaction failing to conduct their jobs properly, but rather the existence of a system that is often driven by documents and deliverables, as well as definitions of roles and responsibilities that may be inherently inefficient.^1 The project consultants also found out that state and regulatory agencies not only did not have the capacity to review the documents that regularly cross their desk, but that the continuing generation of new documents will put them further and further behind. That is, activities are not only delayed by the time it takes to review and comment on documents, but by the time it takes the regulator to pore through the backlog of documents he or she must address first. I'm not sure why, but government participants in the project were surprised to hear that environmentalist representatives didn't like facing a bookshelf full of documents for every site that concerned us. But even if the best of situations, activists don't have the resources to review every last detail of a cleanup activity. We want to focus our energy in overseeing and advising on critical decisions. Why do we have to move so much paper before we move dirt? Many of the documents are not even required by law. Others need not be so bulky. There are many reasons, including the following: * The cleanup process, originally developed for private facilities, is inherently adversarial. Thus, each party generates, reviews, and responds to comments on the assumption that their lawyers will have to go to court to defend their position. In fact, often after the engineers have done their work, their respective lawyers routinely go through it. * When the process was developed, computer networking systems that facilitate the sharing of data in electronic form were not generally accessible. * Consultants, it appears, must get paid by the page. They often repeat boilerplate and other material in multiple documents. The solution, of course, is for all parties to agree up front which documents are really necessary. For large facilities, such as military bases, it is possible to generate standard documents that guide work at numerous sites, and then to prepare "exception reports" where site-specific conditions dictate changes. The more the parties trust eat Command, August, 1995. requirements. Nothing builds suspicion more than withholding information. In fact, people often demand information simply because they've been told that they can't have it. At Moffett, we've worked out procedures through which subcommittees of the RAB receive documents automatically, while other members only receive them upon request. 5. The community needs access to independent technical help. At Moffett and the surrounding civilian sites, the community receives EPA technical assistance grants, and our consultants have helped us frame our role constructively in the process. At non-Superfund sites such as North Island, however, community members of an otherwise effective RAB are telling me that their work is severely constrained by the lack of such support. 6. RPMs and other field officials should not be penalized for taking the time to interact with the public or the regulatory agencies. Timetables set important goals, but more often than not working things out early in the process will save time and other resources later. I recognize that many government officials have bought into the concept of public participation because they want community groups to take the heat for decisions to skip or delay cleanup activities. That's not enough. The affected public not only has the right, but it often has site-specific expertise, to improve the entire cleanup program. We don't want to bust the budget. We don't consider every single site top priority. Participation in the process actually takes a lot of time and energy. Nothing undermines our trust for the process more than proposals which would allow polluters to avoid their obligation to clean up after themselves. If that's what meant by reform, then the entire system will grind to a halt. If reform means spreading successful techniques, some of which I have mentioned earlier, then the spirit of partnership will bring better results. ^1. Versar Corporation, "Moving Sites Faster through Streamlined Oversight," US Air Force Air Combat Command, August, 1995. requirements. Nothing builds suspicion more than withholding information. In fact, people often demand information simply because they've been told that they can't have it. At Moffett, we've worked out procedures through which subcommittees of the RAB receive documents automatically, while other members only receive them upon request. 5. The community needs access to independent technical help. At Moffett and the surrounding civilian sites, the community receives EPA technical assistance grants, and our consultants have helped us frame our role constructively in the process. At non-Superfund sites such as North Island, however, community members of an otherwise effective RAB are telling me that their work is severely constrained by the lack of such support. 6. RPMs and other field officials should not be penalized for taking the time to interact with the public or the regulatory agencies. Timetables set important goals, but more often than not working things out early in the process will save time and other resources later. I recognize that many government officials have bought into the concept of public participation because they want community groups to take the heat for decisions to skip or delay cleanup activities. That's not enough. The affected public not only has the right, but it often has site-specific expertise, to improve the entire cleanup program. We don't want to bust the budget. We don't consider every single site top priority. Participation in the process actually takes a lot of time and energy. Nothing undermines our trust for the process more than proposals which would allow polluters to avoid their obligation to clean up after themselves. If that's what meant by reform, then the entire system will grind to a halt. If reform means spreading successful techniques, some of which I have mentioned earlier, then the spirit of partnership will bring better results. ^1. Versar Corporation, "Moving Sites Faster through Streamlined Oversight," US Air Force Air Combat Command, August, 1995. requirements. Nothing builds suspicion more than withholding information. In fact, people often demand information simply because they've been told that they can't have it. At Moffett, we've worked out procedures through which subcommittees of the RAB receive documents automatically, while other members only receive them upon request. 5. The community needs access to independent technical help. At Moffett and the surrounding civilian sites, the community receives EPA technical assistance grants, and our consultants have helped us frame our role constructively in the process. At non-Superfund sites such as North Island, however, community members of an otherwise effective RAB are telling me that their work is severely constrained by the lack of such support. 6. RPMs and other field officials should not be penalized for taking the time to interact with the public or the regulatory agencies. Timetables set important goals, but more often than not working things out early in the process will save time and other resources later. I recognize that many government officials have bought into the concept of public participation because they want community groups to take the heat for decisions to skip or delay cleanup activities. That's not enough. The affected public not only has the right, but it often has site-specific expertise, to improve the entire cleanup program. We don't want to bust the budget. We don't consider every single site top priority. Participation in the process actually takes a lot of time and energy. Nothing undermines our trust for the process more than proposals which would allow polluters to avoid their obligation to clean up after themselves. If that's what meant by reform, then the entire system will grind to a halt. If reform means spreading successful techniques, some of which I have mentioned earlier, then the spirit of partnership will bring better results. ^1. Versar Corporation, "Moving Sites Faster through Streamlined Oversight," US Air Force Air Combat Command, August, 1995. requirements. Nothing builds suspicion more than withholding information. In fact, people often demand information simply because they've been told that they can't have it. At Moffett, we've worked out procedures through which subcommittees of the RAB receive documents automatically, while other members only receive them upon request. 5. The community needs access to independent technical help. At Moffett and the surrounding civilian sites, the community receives EPA technical assistance grants, and our consultants have helped us frame our role constructively in the process. At non-Superfund sites such as North Island, however, community members of an otherwise effective RAB are telling me that their work is severely constrained by the lack of such support. 6. RPMs and other field officials should not be penalized for taking the time to interact with the public or the regulatory agencies. Timetables set important goals, but more often than not working things out early in the process will save time and other resources later. I recognize that many government officials have bought into the concept of public participation because they want community groups to take the heat for decisions to skip or delay cleanup activities. That's not enough. The affected public not only has the right, but it often has site-specific expertise, to improve the entire cleanup program. We don't want to bust the budget. We don't consider every single site top priority. Participation in the process actually takes a lot of time and energy. Nothing undermines our trust for the process more than proposals which would allow polluters to avoid their obligation to clean up after themselves. If that's what meant by reform, then the entire system will grind to a halt. If reform means spreading successful techniques, some of which I have mentioned earlier, then the spirit of partnership will bring better results. ^1. Versar Corporation, "Moving Sites Faster through Streamlined Oversight," US Air Force Air Combat Command, August, 1995. |
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