From: | CPEO Moderator <cpeo@cpeo.org> |
Date: | 25 Jul 2003 15:47:16 -0000 |
Reply: | cpeo-military |
Subject: | [CPEO-MEF] The NRC: Responsible Review or Rubber Stamp? |
The National Research Council: Responsible Review or Rubber Stamp? Chemical Weapons Working Group, June 2003 Background on the NRC “Stockpile” Committee In 1985, Public Law 99-145 required the U.S. Department of Defense to “carry out the destruction of the United States stockpile of lethal chemical agents and munitions that exists...” The preceding year, 1984, the Army made visits to communities where these chemical weapons are stored, to inform citizens of the Army’s plan to incinerate the weapons. As part of their presentation, the Army emphasized the fact that “the prestigious National Research Council” (NRC) had endorsed the incineration technology and that it was the only destruction option available. No communities were aware of how that endorsement was secured, but insight can be garnered by the following passage in the 1984 report, “The Army has already selected thermal destruction as the most appropriate method. The committee supports this decision.” (emphasis added) Since then the NRC Committee on the Destruction of Chemical Agents and Munitions has reiterated it’s endorsement regardless of the evidence showing their conclusion was in error. Case Study: Rubber Stamp for Incineration Since the NRC’s 1984 endorsement of incineration, the Army’s chemical weapons incinerators have released chemical agents directly into the environment on 18 occasions...at least. There also exists circumstantial evidence of dozens more, but these have yet to be admitted by the Army or proven by the citizens groups. One incident took place on March 30, 1998 when more than 10 times the acceptable amount of GB nerve agent was fed into an incinerator furnace. The overfeed situation caused significant malfunction at the facility. Alarms located in the duct leading to the smokestack rang off at the highest possible levels of chemical agent detection: 511 times the allowable levels thought to be safe. The actual amount of agent triggering these alarms remains unknown. Alarms further downstream in the system were swamped and malfunctioned due to the high volume of this same material overwhelming them. To this day the Army claims the material which triggered one set of alarms and rendered the second set inoperable was not chemical agent, but they state they cannot identify what it was. The Chemical Weapons Working Group (CWWG), convinced that this incident was a major release of chemical warfare agent directly into the environment. We gathered over 1,000 pages of official documents related to the incident, interviewed witnesses to the event and provided all this information to the NRC Committee for review. Almost two years passed. Repeated inquiries to the NRC were met with no response. Citizens brought the documents to a local Alabama newspaper, who hired three independent combustion experts to review the incident. One of the experts stated, “I believe the Army is not telling the whole truth and that the sensors failed in the smokestack. It is simple isn't it? The furnace shut down and the nerve agent was not burned. Where did it go? It went up and out.” Still the NRC refused to investigate the incident. So, the citizens went to Congress, which tasked the NRC Committee to review all incidences that were considered chemical agent “events” at the Army incinerators. The 1,000 pages of data on the March 30 incident were again supplied to the Committee, supplemented with additional information. In December 2001, the NRC issued a report on chemical agent incidences that concluded incineration was a safe technology, when compared to the risks of continued storage of chemical weapons. Even more remarkable, the report completely ignored the March 30, 1998 incident, which instigated the report in the first place! The Chairman of the Committee, Dr. Charles Kolb wrote, “We looked at the March 30, 1998 incident and did not feel that it was particularly outstanding and thus did not select it for in-depth analysis.” So, while some good recommendations have come out of the Committee (on chemical agent monitoring, for example), it is largely seen as a rubber stamp for the Army’s incinerators, no matter how bad the technology’s performance. Independent Analysis done right Anyone familiar with the process of the NRC or other non-governmental review agencies knows that the conclusions by these agencies are largely determined by the specific statement of task, and set of assumptions they carry from the beginning of the review process. At best, then, the conclusions provide mere snapshots of extremely complex and ever-changing issues, with huge environmental and public health consequences. Yet there can be benefit to an “independent” analysis, and we have had some positive experiences with other NRC Committees, in particular the Committee on the Assembled Chemical Weapons Assessment (ACWA), and the Committee on the Non-Stockpile Chemical Materiel Program (NSCMP). When we say “positive experience,” that doesn’t mean we agreed with all of the Committee’s assumptions, nor did we necessarily agree with all of its conclusions. We may have thought that the statement of task, handed down by the Army or Congress, was too limited in scope. However there are some clear differences in the manner the Committee’s appeared to operate, and the context in which their assignments were handed down and carried out. • Both the ACWA program and the NSCMP have ongoing formal dialogue with citizens, state and federal regulators, and other decision-makers. Regular dialogue meetings -- sometimes 3 or 4 times per year -- provided opportunities for respective NRC Committee members to observe communication between citizens and the Army, and track the important issues being raised and dealt with. NRC Committee members themselves interacted directly with citizens and representatives from local organizations. Thus Committee members were exposed to a broad set of ideas, not just a stack of documents. • Both ACWA and NSCMP recognize that public acceptability is an important factor in technology deployment, and they respect the public’s right to be fully informed on technology options, and involved at some level of the decision-making process. • The NRC Committee on NSCMP has invited citizens to speak to them on a number of occasions, and arranged for conference calls between Committee members and citizens to get a better understanding of their concerns and ideas. Those viewpoints were then documented -- accurately! -- in the report. • The Committees were clearly aware of what decisions were being made, and courses of action were being considered, by agencies other than those included in their statement of task. That is, their review did not take place in a scientific or policy vacuum. Elements of Responsible Review With a review system so fraught with bias and faulty assumptions, its hard to know where to begin talking about how to fix it. But perhaps we can start by recognizing some of the elements for responsible, independent review. * Recognition of the Precautionary Principle. This principle states (paraphrased), that where there are gaps in our scientific knowledge, and where cause and effect relationships are not proven, we must act in a manner of precaution. This approach is good common sense...yet unfortunately it is not the premise on which most scientific reviews -- nor the policies so influenced by these reviews -- take place. * Affirmation of Environmental Justice. Environmental justice acknowledges the right of all peoples to a clean, healthy environment regardless of ethnicity or income. Affirming the principles of Environmental Justice forces us to look for the most protective and most equitable solution to the problem. * Support for the right of citizens to accept or reject a proposed action. Public acceptability is, ultimately, the factor which may make or break the military’s proposed actions. Rather than seeing this as a threat to overcome, Committees could give public acceptability factors equal weight as “technical” factors, and help government agencies identify the best and most acceptable approach. * Inclusion of citizens -- as experts! -- in the process, throughout the process. Making room at the table for all kinds of experts -- those with degrees in chemistry, sociology, etc. as well as citizens who know their communities best -- will make the review process more credible, build trust among citizens and the scientific community, and help pave the way for real solutions to the problem of military contamination. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ | |
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